A Haunting Silence
by Robert Byrd
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To contemplate war is to think about the most horrible of
human experiences. On this February day, as this nation
stands at the brink of battle, every American on some level
must be contemplating the horrors of war.
Yet, this Chamber is, for the most part, silent -
ominously, dreadfully silent.
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There is no debate, no
discussion, no attempt to lay out for the nation the pros
and cons of this particular war. There is nothing.
We stand passively mute in the United States Senate,
paralyzed by our own uncertainty, seemingly stunned by the
sheer turmoil of events. Only on the editorial pages of our
newspapers is there much substantive discussion of the
prudence or imprudence of engaging in this particular war.
And this is no small conflagration we contemplate. This is
no simple attempt to defang a villain. No. This coming
battle, if it materializes, represents a turning point in
U.S. foreign policy and possibly a turning point in the
recent history of the world.
This nation is about to embark upon the first test of a
revolutionary doctrine applied in an extraordinary way at
an unfortunate time. The doctrine of preemption - the idea
that the United States or any other nation can legitimately
attack a nation that is not imminently threatening but may
be threatening in the future - is a radical new twist on
the traditional idea of self-defense. It appears to be in
contravention of international law and the U.N. Charter.
And it is being tested at a time of worldwide terrorism,
making many countries around the globe wonder if they will
soon be on our - or some other nation's - hit list.
High-level administration figures recently refused to take
nuclear weapons off of the table when discussing a possible
attack against Iraq. What could be more destabilizing and
unwise than this type of uncertainty, particularly in a
world where globalism has tied the vital economic and
security interests of many nations so closely together?
There are huge cracks emerging in our time-honored
alliances, and U.S. intentions are suddenly subject to
damaging worldwide speculation. Anti-Americanism based on
mistrust, misinformation, suspicion, and alarming rhetoric
from U.S. leaders is fracturing the once solid alliance
against global terrorism which existed after Sept. 11.
Here at home, people are warned of imminent terrorist
attacks with little guidance as to when or where such
attacks might occur. Family members are being called to
active military duty, with no idea of the duration of their
stay or what horrors they may face. Communities are being
left with less than adequate police and fire protection.
Other essential services are also short-staffed. The mood
of the nation is grim. The economy is stumbling. Fuel
prices are rising and may soon spike higher. This
administration, now in power for a little over two years,
must be judged on its record. I believe that that record is
dismal.
In that scant two years, this administration has squandered
a large projected surplus of some $5.6 trillion over the
next decade and taken us to projected deficits as far as
the eye can see. This administration's domestic policy has
put many of our states in dire financial condition,
underfunding scores of essential programs for our people.
This administration has fostered policies which have slowed
economic growth. This administration has ignored urgent
matters such as the crisis in healthcare for our elderly.
This administration has been slow to provide adequate
funding for homeland security. This administration has been
reluctant to better protect our long and porous borders.
In foreign policy, this administration has failed to find
Osama bin Laden. In fact, just yesterday we heard from him
again marshaling his forces and urging them to kill. This
administration has split traditional alliances, possibly
crippling, for all time, international order-keeping
entities like the United Nations and NATO. This
administration has called into question the traditional
worldwide perception of the United States as
well-intentioned peacekeeper. This administration has
turned the patient art of diplomacy into threats, labeling,
and name calling of the sort that reflects quite poorly on
the intelligence and sensitivity of our leaders, and which
will have consequences for years to come.
Calling heads of state pygmies, labeling whole countries as
evil, denigrating powerful European allies as irrelevant -
these types of crude insensitivities can do our great
nation no good. We may have massive military might, but we
cannot fight a global war on terrorism alone. We need the
cooperation and friendship of our time-honored allies as
well as the newer-found friends whom we can attract with
our wealth. Our awesome military machine will do us little
good if we suffer another devastating attack on our
homeland which severely damages our economy. Our military
manpower is already stretched thin and we will need the
augmenting support of those nations who can supply troop
strength, not just sign letters cheering us on.
The war in Afghanistan has cost us $37 billion so far, yet
there is evidence that terrorism may already be starting to
regain its hold in that region. We have not found bin
Laden, and unless we secure the peace in Afghanistan, the
dark dens of terrorism may yet again flourish in that
remote and devastated land.
Pakistan as well is at risk of destabilizing forces. This
administration has not finished the first war against
terrorism and yet it is eager to embark on another conflict
with perils much greater than those in Afghanistan. Is our
attention span that short? Have we not learned that after
winning the war one must always secure the peace?
And yet we hear little about the aftermath of war in Iraq.
In the absence of plans, speculation abroad is rife. Will
we seize Iraq's oil fields, becoming an occupying power
which controls the price and supply of that nation's oil
for the foreseeable future? To whom do we propose to hand
the reigns of power after Saddam Hussein?
Will our war inflame the Muslim world resulting in
devastating attacks on Israel? Will Israel retaliate with
its own nuclear arsenal? Will the Jordanian and Saudi
Arabian governments be toppled by radicals, bolstered by
Iran which has much closer ties to terrorism than Iraq?
Could a disruption of the world's oil supply lead to a
worldwide recession? Has our senselessly bellicose language
and our callous disregard of the interests and opinions of
other nations increased the global race to join the nuclear
club and made proliferation an even more lucrative practice
for nations which need the income?
In only the space of two short years this reckless and
arrogant administration has initiated policies which may
reap disastrous consequences for years.
One can understand the anger and shock of any president
after the savage attacks of September 11. One can
appreciate the frustration of having only a shadow to chase
and an amorphous, fleeting enemy on which it is nearly
impossible to exact retribution.
But to turn one's frustration and anger into the kind of
extremely destabilizing and dangerous foreign policy
debacle that the world is currently witnessing is
inexcusable from any administration charged with the
awesome power and responsibility of guiding the destiny of
the greatest superpower on the planet. Frankly many of the
pronouncements made by this administration are outrageous.
There is no other word.
Yet this chamber is hauntingly silent. On what is possibly
the eve of horrific infliction of death and destruction on
the population of the nation of Iraq - a population, I
might add, of which over 50 percent is under age 15 - this
chamber is silent. On what is possibly only days before we
send thousands of our own citizens to face unimagined
horrors of chemical and biological warfare - this chamber
is silent. On the eve of what could possibly be a vicious
terrorist attack in retaliation for our attack on Iraq, it
is business as usual in the United States Senate.
We are truly "sleepwalking through history". In my heart of
hearts I pray that this great nation and its good and
trusting citizens are not in for a rudest of awakenings.
To engage in war is always to pick a wild card. And war
must always be a last resort, not a first choice. I truly
must question the judgment of any president who can say
that a massive unprovoked military attack on a nation which
is over 50 percent children is "in the highest moral
traditions of our country". This war is not necessary at
this time. Pressure appears to be having a good result in
Iraq. Our mistake was to put ourselves in a corner so
quickly. Our challenge is to now find a graceful way out of
a box of our own making. Perhaps there is still a way if we
allow more time.
– SOURCE: Speech by Sen. Robert Byrd, D-W.Va. in the U.S.
Senate on Wednesday, February 12, 2003.
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